|
September 21st., 2004
The debut of the
OAS Secretary General
A Summary:
-
Chávez’s frustrated agenda in New York.
-
His agenda included to attend the
protocol of Miguel Ángel Rodríguez oath of office as
OAS Secretary General.
-
Ambassador Valero had outlined what
would be Chávez’s words at The OAS.
-
Might the official reasons to cancel
the trip be true?
-
OAS challenges in the Latin American
scenario today.
-
The Gaviria Report infuriated Chávez
and partially pleased the opposition.
-
He worries about the total control over
judicial power and the less-than-transparent behavior
of the NEC.
-
In Gaviria’s Legacy, there are three
strange statements, incompatible with the letter and
spirit of The Inter-American Democratic Charter.
-
Latin America trusts Miguel Ángel
Rodríguez; he owns all requirements to succeed like no
other Secretary General before.
-
International interests in Venezuela
are: oil; geography and its borders with Colombia and
Brazil.
-
Oil gives Chávez international weight.
-
Foreign oil companies court Chávez.
-
What foreign media has called The
Chávez Era takes place in a worrisome scenario. But,
this is no time for pessimism or dismay.
The new OAS Secretary General
begins his mandate with good luck omens. Chávez had
plans to steal the show in the reception of his oath of
office. In his 09-19 Aló Presidente he confirmed
to be in New York the day after as part of The World
Summit vs. Poverty to support Lula proposals and to
insist on his own regarding a World Fund. He
anticipated a dialogue with Kofi Annan, Lagos, Lula,
Chirac and Rodríguez Zapatero. He said that The Council
of The Americas had organized for him a meeting with
representatives of two hundred big U. S. companies
–among others- risk agencies which would analyze our
economy, investors interested in Venezuela and the top
of U. S. media. He omitted what was vox populi
in Caracas diplomatic circles. At the UN a meeting with
Colin Powell, as witness of the new relationship
in-the-making between the two countries. His agenda
included to travel to Washington to attend the protocol
of the oath of office of Miguel Ángel Rodríguez: there
an encounter with Bush would be inevitable.
Besides said inconveniences, the
Venezuelan Ambassador to The OAS, in an interview for
VTV (State TV), on 16 Thursday, had outlined what would
be statements by Chávez at The OAS activity: “Venezuela
feels more secure and at ease, more identified with The
OAS, under the leadership of former President
Rodríguez.” The reporter asked Ambassador Valero if
said security related to Venezuela’s help in obtaining
Caribbean votes –which he denied-. “Venezuela is going
to feel better interpreted by the new Secretary, because
his profile and trajectory make us believe he shall keep
a level-headed attitude.” Good omens, as Miguel Ángel
Rodríguez could have been a fatal misfortune for Chávez,
if the official version for the trip cancellation is
true: mid day on Monday the 20th., the
Information Minister announced the travel suspension:
“a failure in the presidential airplane detected moments
before takeoff… technical reasons forced to abort the
takeoff of the airship due to a failure in the
starter.” Hence, the surely unpleasant Chávez effect
vanished for the new OAS Secretary General as he
assumed his post.
He will need similar fortune in his
job entailing unpleasant tasks regarding the large
bureaucracy left behind by his predecessor, a budget
deficit and restructuring demands. Other tasks may be
pleasant but tremendously difficult. These are the
challenges before The OAS of peace; social equity and
Latin American democracy.
GAVIRIA’S LEGACY
Walter P. Moreira –Brazilian
Ambassador to the OAS- in his Report to The Permanent
Council on the Venezuelan RR, considered the case
closed. His sentence was confirmed by Lula in his
recent Manaos Meeting with Chávez. However, Gaviria, in
his report on the process, narrated what happened from
13 April, 2002 until 15 August, 2004. This elicited
unfriendly remarks by Chávez: ambiguous; irresponsible;
unworthy; untrue. According to the opposition, (Quirós
Corradi, its negotiator before the NEC), Gaviria
stripped-off the process of the RR of diplomatic jargon,
to conclude, that even if he’s not ready to label it
fraudulent, neither is he willing to exclude this
possibility. Indeed, says Gaviria “it is important to
clear all existing doubts. It ought to be possible to
work for this purpose… The opposition has delivered a
detailed list of aspects it deems illegal or foreign
under international standards… The OAS ought to prose
their evaluation and examination.” For Gaviria, issues
of freedom of expression; human rights; the rule of law,
continue to be important. He worries about the legal
project allowing the government absolute control over
judicial power and the less-than-transparent behavior of
the NEC. He hopes The OAS and, specifically, The
General Secretariat to continue to play a significant
role in behalf of democratic values. This is Gaviria’s
Legacy, together with three strange statements in the
Report: a) the opposition may allege that it
participated in the process under disadvantageous
conditions: “It is most difficult to create equity
conditions when competing with any President, not only
in Venezuela, but in Latin America as a whole”; b) In
electoral processes, “not all imperfections,
irregularities or debatable behavior –in legal terms-
qualify to be called fraudulent”; c) the government has
been consolidating its control over all public powers,
“which does not constitute a violation of any legal
norm.”
For the international community
The Venezuelan Case is closed. The opposition does
not expect the NEC nor The OAS to label the RR as
fraudulent. The plus of 15 August is the conviction
that the crisis and the search of a solution are matters
exclusively national. But Latin America has placed
trust in Miguel Ángel Rodríguez, “he owns all the
requirements for success –like no one before- for a
Secretary General. He has been a ruler; a President of
a Legislative Assembly; a Minister; an entrepreneur and
a university professor.” ( Ambassadress Gutiérrez
Salazar added): It is worth saying that he was
also President of ODCA [Christian Democratic
Organization of The Americas].
Art. 24 of DCI
(Inter-American Democratic Charter) proposes:
“Electoral observation missions shall be conducted in
keeping with OAS principles and norms.” For sure, the
new Secretary General will have to ask if Gaviria’s
three statements agree with OAS principles and norms on
this matter.
IT IS NOT TIME FOR
PESSIMISM
According to Machiavelli: it is
more proper to be guided by real truth than by
imagination. In the Florentine’s perspective it should
be asked which are the international interests regarding
Venezuela. The answer is obvious: oil; geography; and
–specifically- its borders with Colombia and Brazil.
Oil gives Chávez international
weight. His government has maneuvered with ability and
political advantage. Chávez’s anti-U. S. discourse are
taken by Washington and the EU as an exercise in
rhetoric. The U. S. continues to consider Venezuela as
a secure oil supplier and one which honors its foreign
debt. Due to oil, Chávez has faithful allies in the
English-speaking Caribbean and other countries in the
region. Oil and an audacious foreign policy has brought
him closer to China; Russia; Iran and India. According
to The Economist, multinational court
him. The Orinoco Oil Strip –with new technologies- is
another Saudi Arabia.
Chávez did not travel to NY, but in
The UN General Assembly, Venezuela shall work for its
incorporation to The Social and Economic Council; The
Commission on Human Rights and The Security Council as a
non-permanent member. Such is the scenario of
consolidation of what the international press has
labeled THE CHÁVEZ ERA. Notwithstanding, it is not a
time for pessimism or dismay. The Constitution of
Venezuela, in its Art. 6 says that the Government of The
Republic is and shall be always democratic, elected,
decentralized, alternative, responsible, pluralist, and
of revocable mandates. The RR showed that in Venezuela
–according to NEC figures- there are 4 million militants
of democracy, of activists committed to their values in
near heroic terms. It is 40 % of the electorate, which
qualitatively amounts to the backbone of the Nation. It
is the huge human capital demanding organization and
definition of the path to enforce the Constitution. It
is the challenge of the democratic opposition.
It is no time for pessimism or
dismay. The Inter-American Democratic Charter proclaims
that our peoples have a right to democracy and its
governments the obligation to defend and promote it.
Democracy is essential for social, political and
economic development. Essential elements of democracy
are: respect for human rights and fundamental
liberties; the exercise of power under the rule of law;
the celebration of periodic, free and fair elections;
the multi-party system and the separation and
independence of public powers.
These are big principles within the
new Public International Law. Imagination? We ought to
trust that if these are not real truths, at least, they
may be real purposes of many people of good will who
look at Venezuela throughout the world.
|