29 December, 2004

Anniversary Edition

Not by chance Hugo Chávez is rounding-up his sixth year in power and Venezuela Today gets into its 6^th year of non-stop international presence.  Our goal:  to offer VIPs and institutions abroad food for thought about what happens here, with a critical, objective glance.  Why critical?  La Fundación Democracia y Desarrollo (Democracy & Development Foundation) attended in 1998 and 1999 international events on Latin America.  Venezuela was an enigma arousing attention.  We questioned Chávez as an alternative vision for the instability of Latin American political systems.  In one of the gatherings (Madrid, 1999), the creation of an office for the analysis of the process and the elaboration of a Newsletter were proposed.  Also, the electronic distribution of the latter to an interested readership in what began to be known as The Venezuelan Case.  The newsletter became a biweekly bilingual report appearing on a website, (www.venezuelatoday.org), -without a home address-.  Here, those asking for it, get it by e-mail.

Below, we offer some Venezuela Today texts, chronologically listed, as an element for the understanding of today’s scenario:

YEAR 1999

·        The day he takes office as President, Chávez refuses to abide by The Constitution and existing legislation.  He announces his proposition to carry out a revolutionary process…  He proceeds to incorporate a numerous military group and clearly conveys the impression that his government would be militarist.  (03-25-99).

·        One cannot underestimate Chávez.  He has a clear political project and a coherent strategy.  Power is the objective:  to be exercised all-powerfully and for as long as he be allowed.  (09-17-99).

·        At this point in the revolutionary process, Chávez becomes the Venezuelan President with the greatest power in Venezuelan history.  His regime will comply formally with a democratic system.  The accumulation of powers, within a formal legal framework, makes inevitable the authoritarian temptation, even if his pragmatism will make him maintain the democratic semblance (11-16-99).

·        1999 ends with Chávez turned into the political owner of Venezuela…  The Central Bank has offered its Report on Economic Results:  a decline of 7.2 % in GDP, 23.4 % in private investments and 18.1 % rate of inflation.  Oil prices –estimated at $9 a barrel, were adjusted to $15 for fiscal purposes.  Oil revenues increase 15 billion in foreign reserves (12-30-99).

YEAR 2000

·        Last December, in the Awards Ceremony for Cuban physicians sent by Castro, he repeats what he said on 11-18-99 at The University of La Habana:  “Venezuela and Cuba cruise together in the same sea of happiness.”  (03-10-00).

·        He sends a letter to The Bishops Conference:  “My criteria regarding the national  political project are based in the principle of presidential exclusivity in managing The State.  (05-01-00).

·        He wins relegitimacy, for a six-year term, with a right of reelection:  “Right now, nobody should harbor any doubts  that we are living a revolution.”  (08-07-00).

·        His third oath of office is taken before the New Parliament with  a landslide majority of supporters:  “I swear to fight relentlessly to comply and force compliance with revolutionary mandates.  The destruction of the previous system is beyond the point of no return.  Before us, we have the destruction of dominant economic structures.”  (08-20-00).

·        He attends The Millennium Summit in New York…  he has already journeyed the world… with special attention given to oil countries…  His meeting with Saddam Hussein gives front page coverage in the world media…  “Venezuela shall not retrieve one step to lower oil prices” (Aló Presidente, 09-07-00).

·        Chávez open The OPEC Summit…  His view is “to transform oil into a geopolitical tool…”  core and engine of the  struggle vs. neo-liberalism and U. S. unipolarity.  His Mines Minister is OPEC Secretary General…  Chávez does not neglect domestic politics…  The Supreme Court establishes jurisprudence:  “the norms of The Constitution are enforced as long as they do not affect the revolutionary process.”  (09-27-00).

·        “This journey is the best I could have had in my life”:  said Fidel Castro about his visit to Venezuela.  The Energy Accord was signed on 10-19-00.  Differing from The San José Accord, a flexibility in the debt payoff:  it may be paid with goods and services.  Cuba is first in subscribing bilateral terms:  Venezuela supplies 53,000 daily barrels while Cuba will pay through technical assistance in agriculture, tourism, medicine, education and sports (11-03-00).

·        In Panamá, Chávez attends The Iberoamerican Summit.  He travels though Central America offering oil in advantageous prices and terms.  He gets homage and acknowledgements for The Caracas Energy Pact (11-24-00).

YEAR 2001

·        Chávez celebrates his second year in office.  “The Bolivarian Revolution entails that we the military play a new role in the country’s life.  We become national development tools.  This is a political task.  We have studied great masters of strategy.  We have gain one victory after another because we have applied the art of war.  I’m clear on the principle one moves forward when we can and one moves back when we must (02-15-01).

·        The revolution does not manage to convey the impression of stability…  Aperturistas, -those more flexible around him- propose a dialogue.  Chávez answers:  “We’ve taken the first step –political control- on the road to revolution.  The second step is social control… to plant the ideology of our revolution into society.”  (04-06-01).

·        Chávez approaches the third year in power.  He issues 40 decrees-laws modifying the judicial framework in the most diverse milieus:  financial, economic, labor, security, organization and operation of The State…  Few Venezuelans in productive sectors are not affected…  A Civic Stoppage  is announced for 10 December (11-30-01).

·        The Civic Stoppage is impressive…:  the first major witnessing of civic resistance vs. the revolution (12-21-01).

YEAR 2002

·        Opposition takes over the streets on 23 January.  The slogan:  “For democracy and liberty.”  It is judged to be the largest political concentration ever in Venezuela (01-31-02).

·        There is a 180 degrees turnabout in the economic project of the revolution.  New taxes and devaluation.  When banks open for business the dollar shoots upwardly.  On 4 February, there is a humongous civic demonstration.  Noise of pots and pans at the doors of the presidential residence (02-15-02).

·        Trouble in PDVSA.  A new executive with “committed revolutionaries.”  Workers, employees and managers complain.  They threaten with an oil strike (02-28-02).

·        On 11 April, a peaceful demonstration of over 500,000 people ends up with a massacre in the vicinity of Miraflores.  A short-lived government of Pedro Carmona.  The Bolivarian Circles are the determining factor in Chávez’s return.  A Truth Commission is demanded to clarify the massacre (05-03-02).

·        A month after the massacre thousands of Caraqueños demonstrate in mourning calling for the punishment of those responsible.  A growing consensus that Chávez is the axis of the crisis.  Grave charges of human rights violations (05-19-02).

·        Chávez takes advantage of 11 April to organize and train paramilitary brigades [Bolivarian Circles] inside the barracks.  “The media is the sole enemy left to consolidate the revolution.”  A legislation project to regulate contents (05-31-02).

·        Chávez says he is not resigning while allowing the possibility of a recall in August 2003 (06-17-02).

·        The Supreme Court dictates that there was no coup on 11 April.  The Venezuelan Case –again- becomes an OAS concern (08-16-02).

·        The OAS and The Carter Center arrive.  They recommend an electoral inquiry in the short-term.  “A referendum will only be possible after the third year in my term:  I’m barely in the second one.”  An interview in La Habana:  “Fidel and I talked for 9 consecutive hours.  We shall go on with our revolutionary project.”  (09-16-02).

·        Again, adversaries of Chávez take on the streets.  International news agencies agree that over 1,000,000 people marched on 11 Thursday (10-16-02).

·        Gaviria called the governance crisis a serious one.  He perceives a dangerously polarized society (11-18-02).

YEAR 2003

·        The crisis worsens.  The government does not allow an RR electoral inquiry.  “A revolution cannot end by the people’s mandate.”  (01-15-03).

·        Carter says, “it is clear that the international community ought to get involved in Venezuela.”  Gaviria says that it is the highest intensity conflict he’s had to deal with (03-17-03).

·        “Chávez is the product of present historical conditions prevailing in the hemisphere.”   “Consolidating the Venezuelan Revolution is vital to face Yankee Imperialism.”  (Fidel Castro, 05-19-03).

·        Gaviria reaches an accord on the RR but the National Electoral Council [NEC] does not exist.  “The government will do the impossible to avoid the RR.”  If it would be next Sunday, 54 % would vote for Chávez’s demise (06-16-03).

·        On 24 June, -Army’s Day-, makes 30,000 soldiers march:  “The opposition does not want us.  At least, there is Chávez.  Otherwise, you would be at the mercy of our enemies.  Take care of yourselves so that I may take care of you.”  (06-30-03).

·        The opposition regains control of the streets:  the largest –among already legendary- Caracas marches takes place.  A new NEC is named (08-28-03).

·        Chávez faces the RR.  He has 20 billion dollars to finance emergency social plans (11-14-03).

·        A mysterious meeting between Chávez and Fidel Castro.  New cooperation accords between Cuba and Venezuela (12-29-03).

YEAR 2004

·        The G-15 Meeting starts in Caracas.  Opposition members attempt to deliver a document.  Repression is brutal vs. demonstrators, with numerous casualties (03-02-04).

·        The wall of legal challenges is overcome.  Signatures requesting the RR are validated (05-31-04).

·        Millions of Venezuelans go to bed thinking they’ve revoked Chávez.  Upon waking up, they’re perplexed with the news that the NO Vote had won by a large margin.  There is an attempt to demonstrate vs. alleged electorate fraud which is stopped by gunmen:  one person is dead, a parliamentarian is gravely wounded and others are hurt (08-23-04).

·        Apathy regarding regional elections.  Chávez deems victory assured and asks for the swift passing of The Contents Law and a New Penal Code (10-15-04).

·        “The Revolution is here to stay.  This has no going back.”  (11-16-04).

·        The Revolution is consolidated.  The Muzzle Act is a fact.  A new Supreme Court is in place.  The new Venezuela-Cuba Accords bring to an end the Special Period imposed by the Soviet Collapse in 1990.  (12-17-2004).

Yesterday’s media (28 December) reports the announcement by Chávez that in July 2005 a New Military Thought Manual – based in historical roots and with an anti-imperialist perspective- shall be in place-.   Chávez underscored the anti-imperialist character the Venezuelan Militia should assume and the “shameful historical parentheses,” in which it served “anti-homeland interests.”   The Revolution, in its new phase, will have an Armed Forces ideologically committed.  He ratified  that by this date 41 M-17, 26 and 35 helicopters, together with 100,000 Kalashnikov Assault Rifles –bought in Russian- will begin to arrive.

This summary aims at offering our readership information to reach a fair judgment on the Venezuelan Regime and its characteristics.