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October 28th.,
2005
Keys of
the Current Situation
Summary:
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2006 budget provides
that the public expenses will go up to 40.500
million dollars.
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It will be an
electoral budget, managed by the President in its
sole discretion.
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Oil, public expenses
and administrative opacity are the keys of the
current situation.
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The problem is at
institutional level. Controlling entities do not
work.
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Transparency
International points out Venezuela among the most
corrupt countries on the planet.
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The government’s
response: “We have proofs of its mercenary nature.
They charge a fee for ranking countries”.
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The IAPA approved a
resolution in rejection to the authoritarian
behavior of the government.
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Editors acknowledge
that fear has achieve self censorship. Those who
disagree are threatened and punished.
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A great number of
journalists is persecuted and submitted to illegal
trials.
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Marcel Granier
states that recent law amendments seek to silence
dissident opinions
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While Chavez has
used over 20 million minutes, the opposition just
has been able to use 825 minutes.
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The Economist ranks
Venezuela as one of the less attractive countries
among the Latin American economies.
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Chavez’ radical
speech seems to be contrary to the Venezuelan
political thinking.
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Abstention of 80% is predicted for the next
parliamentary elections of December 4
The budget for 2006 provides public expenses for
40,500,000,000 dollars. The underestimation of the oil
price is quite remarkable ($26 a barrel, while the
Venezuelan basket averages over $40 so far this year).
The annual production is calculated in 3,452,000 barrels
a day. There is a serious argument about the government
trying to hide that the production is actually 500,000
barrels lesser than the original figure. The regime
alleges conservative previsions. The experts retort that
a reasonable price, taking into account the current
international market conditions, might be $36, which
covers the amount of public expenses designed in this
Budget. Chavez exclaims, exalted, that 53% of incomes
come from non-petroleum taxes. If this statement is
true, petroleum is not enough to maintain the level of
public expenses.
This is an electoral budget, managed by the President in
its sole discretion. There will be surpluses for
certain, which will be earmarked for additional credits.
These credits must be approved by the National Assembly,
which has never rejected an application in this regard.
The parliamentary support went to the extreme of
authorizing the free disposition of 8.000 million
dollars from the National Development Fund and Fondespa,
which are not included in the Budget Law. There is an
important ingredient of social expense, basically in the
misiones, (Missions) in the so-called “productive
units of new kind” and in bureaucracy.
Given its characteristics, 2006 public expenses,
including the Funds, might go up to 40% of the GDP,
which technically does not qualify as reproductive. Oil,
public expenses and administrative opacity are the keys
of the current Venezuela. In the media, denunciations
about corruption, prodigality and a whole range of
irregularities are presented on a daily basis.
The President has stated that corruption is an enemy as
dangerous as Washington for the revolution. But so far
he has not taken any measure to translate his concerns
into actions. Newspapers or members of the parliament
from the opposition frequently present documents or
facts that should oblige, at least, to open an
investigation. The problem is at institutional level.
Controlling entities do not work. These - the
Parliament, General Comptroller’s Office, General
Attorney’s Office and Courts - are submitted to a
military obedience. As a consequence, the impunity and
freedom of corrupt officers to pillage and the
complicity with those who trade under the shelter of
power.
Transparency International (TI) published the Corruption
Perception Index 2005. TI researches in 159 countries.
Venezuela ranks 130 among the most corrupt countries on
the planet, barely under Paraguay and Haiti in Latin
America. This is an epidemic with backgrounds and
regional nature. According to the researchers of TI,
corruption is “a major cause of poverty”. It is
remarkable that for the regime, whose main emblem is the
struggle against poverty, TI’s opinion is just an
incident in the media war of the imperialism against the
Bolivarian revolution. The Vice-president added another
charge: “We have proofs of its mercenary nature. They
charge a fee for ranking countries in good, regular or
bad positions. I am saying this openly”. The regime had
a similar against the report made by Reporters
without Borders (10-20-05) which labeled as serious
the Venezuelan case regarding press freedom. According
to the report, restrictions to free speech have
increased gradually with the approval by the Parliament
of the Social Responsibility Law (or Gag Law). The
document adds that the government counts on a
legislative arsenal capable to produce self-censorship,
and that it allows punishments for recalcitrant ones. In
response to Chavez, who states that the media attack its
administration as they never did with former
administrations, Reporters without Borders
answered: “The risks faced by the media when doing so
never were this high”.
COMMANDER’S
CONFLICTS
The government answered to the Inter American Press
Association in the strongest terms (IAPA), who in its
last General Meeting approved a resolution to condemn
the authoritarian behavior of the Venezuelan government,
considered as intended to restrict democratic freedoms
and free speech. The resolution considers that there is
an evident deterioration of the rule of law and exhorts
the Inter American Commission on Human Rights to
maintain a permanent surveillance.
The governmental reaction was conclusive, with
unrepeatable and close to scatological expressions. The
journalist Juan Manuel Carmona, as Regional Vice
President of IAPA, presented a report about Venezuela.
He denounced that during the last months 71 attacks
against journalists and media have taken place.
He proved with irrefutable data that the government, by
acquiring or authorizing radio and television stations
and financing newspapers and magazines, became the most
important broadcaster in the country. As editor, he
acknowledges that there is a self censorship imposed by
the fear and governmental threatens through its
different bodies, and the recent amendment to the Penal
Code transfers the punishment effects of the Gag Law to
the written press. “Some broadcasting and press
organizations dare to disagree, being aware of the risks
we face”. In response, Carmona was punished for tax
reasons. The competent entity (Seniat) (IRS)
ordered a temporary closing of the newspaper El
Impulso, carried out by military officers, and a
high fine for the alleged omission of a supporting
document in the accounts several years ago.
Another expositor in the IAPA was Marcel Granier. He
expressed that numerous journalists are persecuted and
submitted to illegal trials in military courts,
inspections in networks are made by military forces to
make disappear photographs and other documents, and all
the aggressions against journalists and the media has
remained unpunished. He stated that the precautionary
measures granted by the Inter-American Commission on
Human Rights and the Inter-American Court have been
ignored or violated.
According to Granier, Chavez exerts a virtual monopoly
of politic propaganda, and takes over all the radio and
television stations to broadcast, without time limits,
his speeches and harangues, during the hours of higher
ratings, without a right to answer. “So far this year,
he has taken over radio and television stations 171
times. While he has used 20.944.000 minutes, the
democratic opposition has used 825 minutes”. The Vice
President Rangel, in the column that he writes in the
newspaper Vea, accused Granier of having meetings
with conspirators, plotting a coup against the
government or the assassination of the president.
Granier leads Radio Caracas Television, a
television station that has been threatened with the
suspension of broadcast authorization and is subject to
frequent intimidating inspections by administrative
entities.
The broadcasting media have been
forced to make national chain broadcasts (cadenas)
nine times more, during their primetimes, in order to
make known the presidential activities in Europe, after
Salamanca. The press conference in Paris and his
declaration for the BBC have been repeated
several times. According to Granier, certain
presentations of Chavez, edited by experts, have been
repeated in national broadcast 137 times with an average
length of 135 minutes. The President is disturbed by
publications in the European press about military
occupation of landed estates and private enterprise
installations, disregard for the property right, the
politization of the judicial system, appropriation of
the economy by the State and restrictions to the
operative freedom of enterprises. These were key aspects
in the report made by The Economist, according to
which Venezuela is the less attractive country among the
eight main Latin American economies and foresees and
gradual deterioration of the enterprise environment
“given the lack of legal warranties”.
That explains the lieutenant colonel’s insistence in the
idea that his socialist project acknowledges the
importance of foreign investment for the economic
development, and the purpose of promote it within a
framework of legal security. However, his radical
ideological speech seems to be contrary to the key
notions of the Venezuelan sociopolitical culture. The
symbolic bonds that supported his popularity begin to
weaken given the lack of material achievements and the
permanence of fundamental problems as a consequence of
inefficiency, incapacity and corruption. Polls foresee
an abstention of 80% for the next parliamentary
elections on December 4, because even when Venezuelans
are passionate about voting, there is lack of trust on
the arbitrator and the electoral procedures. Polls also
set forth that in clear elections, it would be difficult
for the regime to obtain its expected indisputable
victory, because in the new scenario of socialism of the
XXI century, and association with Cuba, the hard Chavism
decreased to 30% and the negative response-rejection to
the administration reaches 75%.
The next Submit of the Americas, in Argentina, with the
attendance of Bush, will be a challenge and a risk for
Chavez. Will his speech in this meeting be similar to
the one in the event simultaneously held in Mar del
Plata? There, he will be in charge of the closing
ceremony that will be the starting point of a huge
demonstration against the presence of Bush.
Venezuela Hoy forecasts that the activities of
Chavez in Argentina the next week will be newsworthy.
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