March 13th., 2008

Chávez In Another’s Conflict

The Colombia-Ecuador border conflict, the meeting of the OAS Council and the Grupo de Río Summit were events that allowed Chávez to call attention on the role that he performs in the international scenario.  Uribe´s announcement regarding the death of Raúl Reyes was responded immediately, warning Colombia that any military incursion into Venezuelan territory, going after members of the FARC, would amount to a cause of war.  In Aló Presidente, he ordered the “closing” of the Embassy in Bogotá, the mobilization of 10 battalions of armored cars to the border and the preparation of the Sukoy bombers bought to Russia.  He accused Uribe of being a “criminal, a paramilitary, and drug dealer, a mafia man and a liar”.  He considered that Reyes had been a victim of a “cowardly assassination”, and granted him a minute of silence.  “This may be the beginning of a war in South America.  The oligarchy represented by Uribe has turned Colombia into a terrorist state.  I hereby alert Venezuela and I have told President Correa that he can count on us, for whatever he needs”.  He expelled the diplomatic representation of Colombia and warned the Colombian companies operating in Venezuela that they could be subject of nationalization.  The media of almost the entire planet that covered the Río Summit granted more attention to Chávez´ hug with Uribe than the same embrace by Uribe to his Ecuadorian homologous.  As it was expected, from Santo Domingo he traveled to Havana, to interview himself with Fidel and Raúl Castro.  Granma saluted him as the great Statesman who had defeated Bush in one of the most dangerous episodes of Washington´s  guerrilla policy, and the Venezuelan pro Government newspaper, Vea, affirmed that the Head of the Revolution had demonstrated his continental leadership, in defense of the peace in Colombia.

The magazine Semana, of Bogotá, in a report titled Why did Chávez meddle in another’s  conflict?, includes the hypothesis that the operation against Raúl Reyes and the guerilla camp was in reality directed against Chávez.  “It was not the first time locating Reyes, and even though his head was a sufficiently important trophy, what was executed must have been in the planning of a yet bigger strategy, which results, if positive, promised to be so good that it was worth risking certain costs”.  They add that Chávez´ mercury character had become a predictable variable.  The hypothesis is shared in Venezuela by Aporrea.org, another pro government site of the Revolution:  “The Commandant bit the hook, the bait was the death of Raúl Reyes, the fishing pole was Correa and the fisherman was the US government.  The conspiracy’s  objective was busting Chávez and they did it”.  In the newspaper El Nacional, of Caracas, one of its analysts wrote:  “The Colombian government decided to create a crisis to unfold in all its splendor, Chávez´ role in the different domestic scenarios of the neighboring countries”.  Analysts of both countries coincide that the threat, on the part of Uribe, of filing a claim before the International Criminal Court against Chávez, for his collaboration with terrorism, and also to present the Chávez Case for consideration to the Security Council, had the purpose of not allowing Chávez to reject the content of Reyes´ four personal computers, which, in as much as they are deciphered, they evidence the Chávez-Farc relationship.

EXPLOSIVE COMPUTERS

The Venezuela-Colombia relations are in its way to become normal.  The Colombian Ambassador, Marín Valencia, who returned to Caracas, declared:  “The conflict is totally over and I propose to encourage commercial exchange”.  Chávez will appoint a new Ambassador, as per sources of the Foreign Relations Office.  But no one ignores that in the rear back, the Reyes´ computers, the Colombia-US alliance and the qualification of the FARC as “terrorist forces” by the Northern potency and the European Union remain.

According to the Miami Herald, the US, based on documents found in the computers, has launched a preliminary investigation that could end up including Venezuela in the list of nations that support terrorism, due to the tight links with the Colombian guerrilla.  The newspaper states to have consulted a high ranking US officer, who declared that they are in the process of corroborating the veracity, but if the information is proved to be true, “it will place on top of the table the question whether Venezuela, given Chávez interaction with the FARC, is a state that sponsors terrorism”.  In such case, Venezuela would accompany the list with North Korea, Iran, Syria, Sudan and Cuba.  President Bush, in a speech in front of the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce, had delicate expressions towards Chávez.  He did not expressly mention the computers, but upon referring himself to the crisis that unleashed the military attack to the Farc campout, he made public his doubts regarding Venezuela’s links with the FARC.  “There are two options, he stated,  accept the vision of terrorists and the populists headed by Chávez, or support democratic leaders”.

Ronald Noble, Director of Interpol, arrived at Bogotá, accompanied by five international technicians to examine and certify the content of the computers, along with five external hard disks and three USB memories that were found in the campout wherein the guerrilla chief was killed.  He declared that the work would require from four to six weeks and that the mission from Interpol is to rescue the information in the computers, reproduce it and deliver it to the governments that require it.

The Venezuelan government demanded that the computers be delivered in order to examine their contents and reiterated its disposition to continue to collaborate in the exchange of the ones kidnapped by the guerilla in prison.  Radio and Television hosts, followers of the regime, have expressed surprise and disgust for the absence of Lula da Silva in the Río Summit and for what seems a variable in Brazil´s  foreign policy, after having received information from Bogotá regarding the findings in the computers.  Chancellor Amorín, in a hearing before the Senate, showed himself contrary to granting the FARC the status of a belligerent force, as proposed by Chávez.  “Brazil does not accept the idea of classifying the FARC as an insurgent movement, which would grant them status in international law.  We are not in agreement”.  Amorín expressed:  “I am not in favor of initiating a political dialogue with the FARC.  For that to happen, I think it would first be necessary to liberate all the kidnapped”.  He coincided with the solemn session by the European Parliament demanding immediate liberation of Ingrid Betancourt and the others detained by the guerrilla. 

BRIEFCASE AND “BOLI BOURGEOISIE”

The Argentinean mandatory had achievements and displeasures on her visit to Caracas, on her way to the Grupo de Río Summit.  In the affectionate meeting with Chávez she signed agreements, amongst others, a mixed company between Pdvsa and the Argentinean Enarsa to extract and process extra heavy Venezuelan oil, and another one, for supply of fuel oil for the generation of energy in the Southern country.  They had Colombian Senator, Piedad Córdoba, as a special guest, and they anticipated what would be a coincident position in the Summit. Whilst the event was taking place, the Presidential guard violently prevented two Argentinean journalists that covered Mrs. Kirchner´s  visit from recording demonstrators that tried to approach the Palace carrying posters demanding Chávez to comply with his promises.  It was not the only displeasure.  Opposition groups placed briefcases in light posts and windows of some of the streets on which she necessarily had to pass within compliance of her agenda.  On Thursday  newspapers, there were news informing of new evidence presented at the US Courts, in the Trial for the legendary briefcase with US$ 800,000, confiscated in an airport in Buenos Aires, last August.  Opposition leaders declared to the press, the next day, that they had submitted at the Argentinean Embassy, a letter for the President demanding the return of the US$ 800,000.

The agreement with Enarsa was a motive to update the case.  The briefcase traveled from Caracas to Buenos Aires in a chartered plane by the Argentinean company.  From the investigations effected, it was Claudio Uberti, a trusted man of the Casa Rosada, who was being accompanied by Daniel Uzcátegui, the son of a high ranking Pdvsa officer, who authorized the boarding of the plane by the US-Venezuelan Antonini Wilson, apparent carrier of the briefcase.  In the open trial in Miami, Antonini accepted to collaborate with justice, and according to reliable sources, he declared that the money was destined for the electoral campaign of Mrs. Kirchner.  They affirm upon Miraflores request,  friends of Antonini were asked to travel to Miami, to convince him that it could be dangerous for him to implicate Chávez.  The interviews were filmed and recorded, and with such material a US District Attorney accused them of acting as foreign agents without the due legal authorization.  It appears that the evidence is so convincing that two of the ones sent to convince Antonini have decided to plead guilty in exchange of procedure benefits, including conditional probation.  At this point, the District Attorney’s  Office counts with strong evidence of proof to demonstrate that the money was for Cristina Kirchner´s  campaign and that the ones accused of “foreign agents” acted on instructions on behalf of Caracas´ high government.  Articles and declarations have been published from experts pointing out that Enarsa lacks financial and technological resources to handle the assigned lot at the Orinoco Belt.  The theme of the Boli Bourgeoisie is in vogue, so called, for being Bolivarians and for being close to the Bolivar, the ones who currently hold impressive wealth, in as much as a few years back, there was no knowledge of such wealth.  Two of the accused as “foreign agents”, are people from the governments´ environment, whose lawyers, upon requesting their provisional freedom, alleged that they are multimillionaires, owners of the oil chemical company Venoco, who export weapons and have bought expensive properties in Florida.  Their last business transaction was the acquisition of the Mobil de Venezuela gas stations, for which Venoco paid 40 – 50 Million Dollars.