May 30th, 2008

The Death Of Marulanda

Few times has there been such generalized frustration, both among friends and foes of the regime, as with the cancellation of Aló Presidente on Sunday, May, 25. Foreign press correspondents, accredited ambassadors in Caracas, and above all, the Colombian government, were all eagerly awaiting Chavez’s words regarding the death of Marulanda. The President’s silence became even more eloquent throughout the week, since in addition to his daily VTV interventions, both radio and TV channels were placed on national television chain for consecutive days, and the President, as is usual, spoke for several long hours without mentioning the death of this old guerrilla member even once, whose friendship he had mentioned for years. In several opportunities he claimed to guarantee the fact that a meeting between him and Marulanda would facilitate the humanitarian exchange and pave the way for peace in Colombia. In the time of Pastrana’s presidency, one of the factors of conflict in the relations between Colombia and Venezuela was precisely Chavez’s insistence that Pedro Antonio Marín, “Tiro Fijo”, the leader of one of the most important guerilla forces, be acknowledged as a belligerent political figure. During the honeymoon with Uribe, it was also the demand of acknowledging the FARC as a political figure, one of Bogota’s arguments for relieving Chavez from his duty as mediator. Gloria Marín, Marulanda’s daughter, was affectionately received in Miraflores and gave a speech in the Federal Capitol, under the excuse that it was a special session for the Latin American Parliament. Globovisión, private news channel, played back the public activities of Mrs. Marín in Caracas. A columnist wonders which could be the reasons for the President to pretend to ignore the death of Marulanda, considering that at the moment of Raúl Reyes’ death, in his homage, he called for a minute of silence in his Aló Presidente, and extended his condolences to his “comrades” in the FARC. This subject has become cause for much speculation, since in the ample array of political factors which support Chávez, only the communist party manifested their condolences and praised him as a great revolutionary, Marxist, and Bolivarian, who “leaves an immortal legacy for our people’s fight against oppressive oligarchy and imperialism.”

Another query is related to the Telesur video, a TV channel promoted and financed by Chávez and directed by his Minister of Information. Guerrilla leader Rodrigo Londońo appears informing of Marulanda’s death. Colombian Minister Juan Manuel Santos assures that this video was not taped in Colombia. A column writer from the newspaper El Universal, Nelson Bocaranda, affirms that it was taped with an audiovisual equipment of three cameras belonging to Telesur, in an hacienda in the state of Barinas, region where the Minister of Internal Affairs, Rodriguez Chacín happens to have one. He also affirms that Londońo and Iván Márquez reside in Venezuela, under government protection. The Ministry of Information offered to resign, but was instead today ratified by the Lieutenant Coronel and Telesur issued a statement denying that they had filmed the video. Press around the world comments the death of Marulanda. Chávez’s silence and Londońo’s video add yet another chapter to the tense Colombian-Venezuelan relation.

EFFECTS OF THE COMPUTERS

The computers of Raúl Reyes carry with them the explosive risk of a time bomb. Chávez and his followers, in unison, disqualify the Interpol’s report. One of the opposition’s political parties, the Christian democrat, appeared before the General Attorney’s Office, requesting an investigation regarding the murder of a group of Venezuelans, among them 4 members of the military forces, on September 17, 2004. In the documents of Raúl Reyes it was found that Chávez knew the authors of the crime were the FARC and that the murder had taken place on Venezuelan soil. At the time, these news caused a scandal, since the victims were on a mission on behalf of the country’s oil company and national claims demanded that these facts be cleared up and guilty parties punished. According to the computers, the guerrilla members regretted the gravity of their mistake and feared Chávez’s reaction. Chávez in turn put the issue to rest by saying that a rigorous investigation had been ordered and that the authors of the massacre were paramilitaries. The General Attorney declared that: “Interpol is an organism that lacks investigational faculties and now it appears that they issue reports...the so-called experts lack expertise and that detracts credibility...In my opinion, Interpol is a clown.” Ronald Noble, chief of Interpol, expressed that he wished to come to Venezuela in order to clear any doubts regarding the report on the electronic files analyzed by said organism. “I offer to explain what we did and how we did it.” Chávez gave the answer: “We are not willing to cooperate with the media show of the empire. There is nothing noble about this man, on the contrary, he is a faker, a clown, a lying policeman for the North Americans.”

Analysts and independent press insist that it is not enough to disqualify Interpol a priori, and that the government needs to give an explanation, not only with regards to the apparent financing of narcoguerilla but also with regards to facts of an even more grave nature: the revelation of an e-mail sent by Iván Márquez to Raúl Reyes, saying that the FARC have a bunker at Fuerte Tiuna, the most important military base in this country. The government responds, as we can appreciate from government media, by trying to deviate attention, and spewing insults, specially towards Interpol. For the leftist newspaper Tal Cual the true problem is the FARC. “This is truly the very heart of the problem. There are still people in the progre world who continue to view the FARC as the peasant guerrilla of its first years, it is important to learn that nothing of that is left but a federation of a group of road assailants, dedicated to the millionaire business of drug trafficking and kidnapping. It is one thing to participate in an effort to free hostages and another to associate with this criminal band who dishonors the justice and freedom aspirations which move the entire human race.” In Bogota, the magazine Semana published e-mails detected in Reyes’ computers, “which should generate great consternation since they prove in detail the scandalous degree to which Chávez cooperated with the FARC in military, political, economical and logistical ways.” In Caracas, columnists from main newspapers are demanding that the government respond to the accusations arising from some of the documents which are being published. In continental and European written and electronic media they are calling attention to the international expansion project of the “Bolivarian revolution” with regards to which the allegiance Chávez-FARC was formed; and the documents found therein are of special relevance because they ratify the generalized belief of said allegiance. This is why it is believed that Colombia should publish all documentation being discovered.

THE WORLD ANSWERS TO CHAVEZ

Five days after the news of Marulanda’s death became known, Chávez broke his silence, by refuting the information which claimed that the video transmitted by Telesur had been filmed in Venezuela. “This is a lie which is spread by the same people who are rejoicing his death, we cannot rejoice since it is with him that we made a great effort for peace in Colombia.” He qualified those people who repeat the “story” of the computer and the video as being disloyal patriots and lackeys. He affirmed that the aggressions would increase both within and outside the country, since “we are in a battle of global scope, in order to build a new history.” The ten years of Venezuela’s foreign policy and its impact were examined during an activity at Florida International University. The academics participating agreed that Chávez, with the backup of considerable oil proceeds has launched an international “public relations campaign” with the idea of exporting his Bolivarian revolution, a continental political project. “He has systematically been intervening in electoral processes in Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua and now in El Salvador, without respecting traditional policies of non interference with other countries.” According to the academics, Venezuelan oil dissuades many countries from taking a more firm position with respect to Chávez’s ties with the FARC. In some ways, the oil riches managed by Chávez constitute a safety jacket in order to do things that are forbidden by International law. By way of example they cited the financial aid to Argentina. In three years he has purchased bonds from this country for 6.3 million dollars. Economic relations with Brazil, becoming the second commercial partner, with a positive balance in favor of the Brazilians exceeding 3,000 million dollars and grants to Brazilian companies, without going to a public bidding process, of lucrative public works. According to Jorge Castańeda, ex-Minister of Mexican Foreign Affairs, Colombia became the crown jewels for the foreign adventure Chávez has undertaken in search of solving the internal conflicts he faces. Florida was also the place for declarations from Barak Obama. Were he to be elected President - he said - Chávez’s support to the FARC should be considered to be internationally condemned. He accused Chávez of degrading democratic institutions in the country, and demanded that the OAS examine the archives found in computers belonging to Reyes.

In Europe there are similar opinions with regards to what Chávez himself has referred to as “a battle of global scope”. In accordance with one of Reyes’ e-mails, the FARC had contact with the Basque group ETA for the purpose of assaults against Colombian personalities who would pass by the peninsula, such as Andrés Pastrana. The director of newspaper El Imparcial, Luis María Ansón, from the Royal Spanish Academy, wrote: “It is clear that France is no longer a sanctuary for ETA and that terrorists may now only find refuge in Cuba and Venezuela. Pay attention to this last country. Chávez could lead from Venezuela, in disguise, a spectacular assault on Spain. He is a buffoon leader, all wrapped in money. We can expect anything from him.” On the old continent Venezuela’s case is being followed closely. BBC World  published a special report with occasion of a year’s anniversary of the closing of RCTV. It points out that in response to the closing a student movement was born that with “freedom of speech” as their slogan, became Chávez’s most dangerous adversary. “The day RCTV went off the air, the connection of Chávez with his followers suffered a strain, since they were the same audience for this TV channel.”